Showing posts with label territorial dispute. Show all posts
Showing posts with label territorial dispute. Show all posts

Thursday, March 7, 2013

In our democracy in the Philippines, we should hear the other side of the truth and not just the propaganda of the Malaysia politicians and government. True democracy is free debate and free flow of informations. Let us listen to the Princess Jacel Kiram, daughter of the Sulu Sultan and their claim to Sabah in behalf also of the Philippines too.

Let us listen and tell others about this TV interview by Boy Abunda, details below.





(Image below of Princess Jacel Kiram talking to media in front of a photo of her father the ailing Sultan of Sulu, sourced from todayonline.com)



I received this news from ABS CBN Broadcasting Corporation on Pricess Jacel Kiram to be interviewed by TV host Boy Abunda:

PRINCESS JACEL KIRAM SPEAKS UP ON SABAH STANDOFF IN "BOTTOMLINE."

Amid the much heated battle between the camp of Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and the Malaysian government for the ownership of Sabah, Kiram's daughter Princess Jacel will bravely take the spotlight this Saturday (March 9) in "The Bottomline With Boy Abunda" as she shares her thoughts and opinion about their fight for their rights on the land that they call home.

What is the truth behind the allegations that someone is providing them funds for the standoff?

Why did they not follow President Noynoy Aquino's call to come back in the Philippines to talk about the problem?

Are they ready for the possible outcomes of their plan to conquer Sabah?

Don't miss the 2012 Golden Screen TV Awards Outstanding Celebrity Talk Program "The Bottomline With Boy Abunda" this Saturday, 11:30 pm, after "Banana Split."

***

(Image below of Princess Jacel Kiram and her father the besieged and ailing Sulltan of Sulu, sourced from globalbalita.com)




KARAPATAN NG PILIPINAS SA SABAH, TATALAKAYIN NI PRINCESS JACEL KIRAM SA "BOTTOMLINE."

Sa gitna ng lalong umiinit na alitan sa pagitan ng kampo ng Sultan ng Sulu na si Jamalul Kiram III at ng gobyerno ng Malaysia kaugnay ng isyu ng pagmamay-ari ng Sabah, matapang na haharap ngayong Sabado (Marso 9) sa "The Bottomline With Boy Abunda" ang anak ni Kiram na si Princess Jacel upang ibahagi ang kanyang saloobin kaugnay ng ipinaglalaban nilang karapatan sa lupang na itinuturing nilang tahanan.

Ano nga ba ang katotohanan sa mga paratang na may nagbibigay ng pondo sa kanilang pagpunta sa Malaysia?

Bakit nga ba hindi nila pinakinggan ang panawagan ni Pangulong Noynoy Aquino na bumalik ng Pilipinas upang pag-usapan ang problema?

Handa na nga ba sila sa mga maaaring mangyari sa kanilang planong pagsakop sa Sabah? Makiaalam sa mga isyung panlipunan at huwag palampasin ang 2012 Golden Screen TV Awards Outstanding Celebrity Talk Program na "The Bottomline With Boy Abunda" ngayong Sabado, 11:30 ng gabi, pagkatapos ng "Banana Split."

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

Protest Malaysia police detention of 3 international journalists of Al-Jazeera in Sabah!


(Image of Filipina journalist detained by Malaysian police in Sabah, sourced from interaksyon.com)




(Image below of some journalists & others, sourced from wikisabah.blogspot.com)





***

I received this via email and I strongly support this public statement by media on the rights of journalists:

Joint statement: Media rights groups slam detention of Al-Jazeera journalists in Malaysia and calls for greater transparency

26 February 2013

We, the undersigned organisations which advocate for media freedom and responsibility in South-East Asia, regret the unnecessary detention and interrogation of three Al-Jazeera journalists who were reporting an armed standoff near Lahad Datu, Sabah, on 20th Feb 2013.

The journalists arrived in Sabah on 19 February to report the “standoff“ between an armed group calling itself the “Royal Sulu Sultanate Army” and the Malaysian authorities which started on 14 February.

The Al Jazeera news crew comprising of senior Asia correspondent Steve Chao, producer Jamela Alindongan and cameraperson Mark Giddens were under the detention of Malaysian authorities for at least six hours, during which they were intercepted at sea off Tanjung Labian village, escorted to a local police station, transferred to another police station 30 minutes’ drive away while under armed escort, and questioned by the Malaysian Special Branch, before being released.

According to a statement issued by Al Jazeera on 22 February and eyewitness accounts, the three were questioned for 30 minutes to 2 1/2 hours each, sometimes together but also separately. Alindongan, a Filipina attached to the Al Jazeera English Network office in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, was questioned the longest at 2 1/2 hours, and was accused several times of working for the “Royal Sulu Sultanate Army”, despite showing the authorities her employee ID.

When asked during the detention, the Malaysian authorities said the security zone around the standoff area was off-limit to civilians and media to avoid “disrupt(ing) political negotiations” with the “Royal Sulu Sultanate Army” and that this was a “sensitive political situation”. The Malaysian authorities also said they were not allowed to specify the boundaries of the “no-go security zone” but acknowledged that when intercepted, the boat with the journalists on board was far from the “no-go security zone” and that the journalists had not broken any laws.

The journalists were treated politely throughout the whole detention period. However, the interrogating officers were not in uniform and when asked, declined to provide their full names or rank. Chao, Alindongan and Giddens, as journalists attached to international media organisations, are equipped and trained to provide coverage during wars, standoffs, riots, uprisings and other hostile environments.

Centre for Independent Journalism in Malaysia, Centre for Media Freedom and Responsibility in the Phillipines, with Southeast Asian Press Alliance secretariat based in Bangkok understand the national security concerns as a result of this armed “standoff”. However, we find the length of detention of the three journalists unnecessarily long and the line of questioning on Alindongan to be unwarranted. We find the secrecy surrounding the identity of the interrogating officers to be unnecessary given that the ones being questioned were not criminal suspects but journalists on duty and identifiable as such.

In addition, we view the vague restrictions imposed on journalists covering the Lahad Datu “political negotiation/standoff” as an attempt at limiting journalists’ access at providing accurate, timely and fair coverage of a public interest security issue, especially given the looming elections in Malaysia. Given the impact on diplomatic relations between Philippines and Malaysia, it is even more important for the media to have adequate and safe access to be able to report on the situation accurately.

In view of the above, we urge the Malaysian authorities to take these measures in the short-term:

1. Make public the boundaries of the “no-go security zone” in the affected area to ensure civilians and media do not endanger their lives by breaching the limits.

2. Hold periodic press conferences to update the media on the “political negotiations” which are taking place to ensure media (and therefore public) official access to information around this public interest issue. This move will also allay the fear and uncertainty among people in the area and address the rumours abound in Malaysia regarding the “political negotiations/standoff” in Lahad Datu.

In addition, as a medium-term measure, we urge the setting up a committee comprising of the authorities, journalists, editors, journalist union, media advocacy groups, human rights organisations and other civil society groups, to draw up a "standard operating procedure" on how security authorities should deal with the media during conflict situations, using UNESCO guidelines as the benchmark. This initiative must be led by the Home Minister to show there is political will to stop future infringements on journalists on duty during conflict/armed situations.

The Malaysian authorities must show that it respects and understands the important role media plays during these important events.
Signed:

1. The Centre for Independent Journalism, Malaysia, is a non-profit organisation that aspires for a society that is democratic, just and free, where all peoples will enjoy free media and the freedom to express, seek and impart information.

Media contact:

Masjaliza Hamzah, executive officer
Tel: +60 16-338 6603
Tragedy of having lost or not reading or not replying to a letter? Moral Lesson: Read ALL letters!


(Image below of a letter, sourced from blog.careesma.in)

 

Kiram letter seeking consultation on peace talks 'lost in the maze' - Aquino


 
Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and Pres Benigno Aquino III (Kiram photo by Noel Celis, AFP)
InterAksyon.com
The online news portal of TV5
MANILA, Philippines -- President Benigno Aquino III admitted Tuesday that a letter from Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III to him in 2010 asking to be consulted on the peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front had been "lost in the bureaucratic maze."

But Aquino stressed that this was not enough reason for Kiram to feel left out of the peace talks process, much more for the sultanate to order the armed incursion of its followers into Sabah.

Early this month, more than 200 followers of the sultanate, led by Kiram’s brother, Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram, landed in Lahad Datu town in Sabah and occupied the village of Tanduo to press their ownership of the territory.

Since then they have engaged in a standoff with Malaysian security forces.

"Let me say to Sultan Jamalul Kiram III: I have just been made aware that a letter to me, from you, was sent through the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process in the very first weeks of my term, when we were organizing the government. Unfortunately, this letter was lost in the bureaucratic maze," Aquino said.

"Let me make clear that there was no intention to ignore your letter. Knowing this now, will you let your mistaken belief dictate your course of action?" he added.

Aquino appealed to Kiram to sit down with the government "as brothers" to address their grievances "in a peaceful, calm manner according to our laws and according to correct processes when your people arrive home."

"The avenue of peaceful and open dialogue is still available to us. And so this is my appeal to you: These are your people, and it behooves you to recall them," Aquino said.

"It must be clear to you that this small group of people will not succeed in addressing your grievances, and that there is no way that force can achieve your aims," he said.
The Sabah claim of the Philippines should be upheld and pursued peacefully. I am against any military or even irresponsible verbal posturings on the current Sabah crisis with our Asean neighbor Malaysia, but let us vigorously, civilly and diplomatically pursue our Sanah claim.

Though I disagree with his sending armed men to Sabah, I support the public appeal of Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III that the Sabah claim should be addressed and resolved by both Malaysia and the Philippines.

Are our political leaders afraid to upset Malaysia? Is this possible fear due to no support from the West on our Sabah claim, since it's the fault of Britain for illegally giving leased Sabah to its former colony Malaysia?

(Image of Lease Agreement between Sulu Sultan and British over Sabah, sourced from interaksyon.com)





(Image below of Sabah sourced from sabah.edu.my)






Click below to read Ateneo Law School Prof. Mel Sta. Maria opinion piece in interaksyon.com on why the Philippines legally and rightfully owns Sabah, which was illegally given by Britain to Malaysia.
http://www.interaksyon.com/article/55753/mel-sta-maria--sabah-is-ours--we-should-claim-it


(Image below of the Sultan of Sulu Jamalul Kiram III , who historically owns Sabah. Photo sourced from malaysia-today.net)





(Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III image below sourced from gmanetwork.com)





Why the silence of our many politicos in the Philippines on the Sabah claim but a lot of noises on our other territorial claims? I think only former presidents Marcos and Macapagal had the guts to pursue our Sabah claim unequivocably.


(President Ferdinand Marcos image below sourced from © Bettmann/CORBIS)





(President Ferdinand Marcos image below sourced from en.wikipedia.com)




(Image below of President Diosdado Macapagal sourced from www-bcf.usc.edu)






Why not file an arbitration case in the United Nations (UN) now in order to encourage the Sulu Sultan's armed men to stand down and not cause bloodshed in the on-going crisis?

***

On February 22, 2013, the New Straits Times published this editorial which should hopefully remind our Philippine leaders that being too meek and seemingly scared of angering Malaysia can only forever weaken our rightful historic and legal claim on Sabah:

It's time Malaysia, Philippines resolved Sabah claim fast

By John Teo

DISPUTE: Finding an equitable solution requires uncommon goodwill on both sides

THE ailing Sultan of Sulu who reportedly gave the directive to send an armed group of relatives and supporters to Sabah at least had a rather keen sense of timing.

The move comes amid impending national elections in both Malaysia and the Philippines, with campaigning either officially or unofficially under way in both countries.

The Philippines' Sabah claim thus resurfaces at a delicate time for both nations, as the sultan may have intended.

One misstep and either or both nations' leaders are vulnerable to political and other critics.
Already, in Malaysia, the government is under growing pressure to act tough against the band of armed foreign intruders as the stand-off in Lahad Datu continues.

In the Philippines, the government is similarly under pressure to "resolve" the Sabah claim once and for all. Somewhat uncharacteristically, Philippine officials have described the situation as "sensitive", as ours have also done so.

Some in Malaysia wonder if the Philippine group is not doing the bidding of Manila, noting that it provocatively raised the Philippine national flag where it is now camped out in Sabah. It is plausible the Philippine government was caught off-guard by the event as it is claiming.

The administration of President Benigno Aquino III is seeking to speed up concluding a final peace agreement with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. For that it needs the continued goodwill of Malaysia as the third-party facilitator in talks towards that agreement.

And it is precisely the very prospect of that peace agreement that was cited by the Sulu group for launching its action. The action might have been ill-advised to begin with but it was done as much to get Manila's attention as it was to get that of Malaysia's.

The group would have known that the ancient Sulu sultanate is no longer an internationally-recognised sovereign entity in its own right.

To pursue its claim on Sabah, it needed the Philippine government to do it on its behalf. It was moved to take things into its own hands because it sees little prospect of Manila advancing the claim once Manila becomes somewhat beholden to Malaysia for helping to bring peace to Bangsamoro, which will encompass the remaining territory of the sultanate.

The Philippine government has, since the administration of President Fidel Ramos, adopted the stand of putting the Sabah claim on the backburner as it seeks to practically advance long-frosty ties with Malaysia. That stand seems to have suited us and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was happy to play along when he was prime minister at the time.

On hindsight, it may not have been wise to sweep the whole issue under the carpet even as official ties between Kuala Lumpur and Manila improved over the years. But what could have been done, given the circumstances?

Malaysia would, of course, dearly wish for Manila to drop the Sabah claim entirely. But that is hardly realistic. Even if the Philippine government wanted that thorn in relations with Malaysia removed, it will be constrained by political realities existing within the country to unilaterally drop the claim.

The Philippines, on the other hand, may be able to live with the claim being referred by both nations for international arbitration.

If the international precedent set by the decisions to award disputed territories we had in recent years with Indonesia and Singapore to claimant countries that exercise effective control over the territories in dispute is taken as a guide, our case over Sabah should be on solid ground.

Yet it appears extremely unlikely we will submit the Sabah case for legal arbitration. And without consent by both countries to pick the path of international arbitration, it will not happen. Both countries will, therefore, need to creatively find common ground to meet each other half-way.

There have been hints from the Philippine side that the issue may be resolved with a negotiated final cash settlement. The Philippine side has always insisted that Malaysia has continued to make annual nominal payments over Sabah to heirs of the royal house of Sulu, something that Malaysia has not publicly acknowledged doing.

If indeed such payments are made, perhaps it is time we come clean about it and face up to the implications thereof. Sweeping the matter under the carpet serves no one since the matter is not likely to go away.

Finding an equitable solution to this festering issue requires uncommon goodwill between Kuala Lumpur and Manila and we are likely to get as good an opening for that now as we ever will.


.

General Operations Force personnel monitoring the situation in the Kampung Tanduo settlement in Lahad Datu, Sabah, where armed foreigners have been holed up since Feb 12. Pic by Zunnur Al Shafiq

Tuesday, November 13, 2012

What is the real truth about China & Japan dispute on Diaoyu or Senkaku Isles?

My Comments:

I have been asked regarding the controversy over the Diaoyu or Senkaku isles which have caused renewed conflicts between China, Taiwan on one side and Japan on the orther side.

I came across informations from the blog of Harvard and Oxford alumnus, two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning New York Times columnist Nicholas D. Kristof, and would like to share with you.

Nicholas Kristof laments the position of his country USA for apparently siding with Japan, when he said the preponderance of evidences point to China being correct in its sovereignty claim over the Diaoyu Islands.

Hopefully, both Asian countries can come to a peaceful settlement of this historic problem as soon as possible based on the historical truth, fairness and justice.




Here is the September 19, 2012 article by Nicholas Kristof and scholar Han-Yi Shaw :




The Inconvenient Truth Behind the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands


Diaoyu Island is recorded under Kavalan, Taiwan in Revised Gazetteer of Fujian Province (1871).
Han-yi ShawDiaoyu Island is recorded under Kavalan, Taiwan in Revised Gazetteer of Fujian Province (1871).
I’ve had a longstanding interest in the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands, the subject of a dangerous territorial dispute  between Japan and China. The United States claims to be neutral but in effect is siding with Japan, and we could be drawn in if a war ever arose.

Let me clear that I deplore the violence in the recent anti-Japan protests in China:  the violence is reprehensible and makes China look like an irrational bully. China’s government should rein in this volatile nationalism rather than feed it. This is a dispute that both sides should refer to the International Court of Justice, rather than allow to boil over in the streets. That said, when I look at the underlying question of who has the best claim, I’m sympathetic to China’s position.

I don’t think it is 100 percent clear, partly because China seemed to acquiesce to Japanese sovereignty between 1945 and 1970, but on balance I find the evidence for Chinese sovereignty quite compelling.

The most interesting evidence is emerging from old Japanese government documents and suggests that Japan in effect stole the islands from China in 1895 as booty of war.

This article by Han-Yi Shaw, a scholar from Taiwan, explores those documents. I invite any Japanese scholars to make the contrary legal case. – Nicholas Kristof

Japan’s recent purchase of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands has predictably reignited tensions amongst China, Japan, and Taiwan. Three months ago, when Niwa Uichiro, the Japanese ambassador to China, warned that Japan's purchase of the islands could spark an "extremely grave crisis" between China and Japan, Tokyo Governor Ishihara Shintaro slammed Niwa as an unqualified ambassador, who “needs to learn more about the history of his own country”.

Ambassador Niwa was forced to apologize for his remarks and was recently replaced. But what is most alarming amid these developments is that despite Japan’s democratic and pluralist society, rising nationalist sentiments are sidelining moderate views and preventing rational dialogue.

The Japanese government maintains that the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands are Japanese territory under international law and historical point of view and has repeatedly insisted that no dispute exists. Despite that the rest of the world sees a major dispute, the Japanese government continues to evade important historical facts behind its unlawful incorporation of the islands in 1895.

Specifically, the Japanese government asserts, “From 1885 on, our government conducted on-site surveys time and again, which confirmed that the islands were uninhabited and there were no signs of control by the Qing Empire.”

My research of over 40 official Meiji period documents unearthed from the Japanese National Archives, Diplomatic Records Office, and National Institute for Defense Studies Library clearly demonstrates that the Meiji government acknowledged Chinese ownership of the islands back in 1885.

Following the first on-site survey, in 1885, the Japanese foreign minister wrote, “Chinese newspapers have been reporting rumors of our intention of occupying islands belonging to China located next to Taiwan.… At this time, if we were to publicly place national markers, this must necessarily invite China’s suspicion.…”

In November 1885, the Okinawa governor confirmed “since this matter is not unrelated to China, if problems do arise I would be in grave repentance for my responsibility”.

“Surveys of the islands are incomplete” wrote the new Okinawa governor in January of 1892. He requested that a naval ship Kaimon be sent to survey the islands, but ultimately a combination of miscommunication and bad weather made it impossible for the survey to take place.
Letter dated May 12, 1894 affirming that the Meiji government did not repeatedly investigate the disputed islands.
Japan Diplomatic Records Office.Letter dated May 12, 1894 affirming that the Meiji government did not repeatedly investigate the disputed islands.
“Ever since the islands were investigated by Okinawa police agencies back in 1885, there have been no subsequent field surveys conducted,” the Okinawa governor wrote in 1894.

After a number of Chinese defeats in the Sino-Japanese War, a report from Japan’s Home Ministry said “this matter involved negotiations with China… but the situation today is greatly different from back then.”

The Meiji government, following a cabinet decision in early 1895, promptly incorporated the islands.
Negotiations with China never took place and this decision was passed during the Sino-Japanese War. It was never made public.

In his biography Koga Tatsushiro, the first Japanese citizen to lease the islands from the Meiji government, attributed Japan’s possession of the islands to “the gallant military victory of our Imperial forces.”

Collectively, these official documents leave no doubt that the Meiji government did not base its occupation of the islands following “on-site surveys time and again,” but instead annexed them as booty of war. This is the inconvenient truth that the Japanese government has conveniently evaded.

Japan asserts that neither Beijing nor Taipei objected to U.S. administration after WWII. That’s true, but what Japan does not mention is that neither Beijing nor Taipei were invited as signatories of the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1951, from which the U.S. derived administrative rights.

When Japan annexed the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands in 1895, it detached them from Taiwan and placed them under Okinawa Prefecture. Moreover, the Japanese name “Senkaku Islands” itself was first introduced in 1900 by academic Kuroiwa Hisashi and adopted by the Japanese government thereafter. Half a century later when Japan returned Taiwan to China, both sides adopted the 1945 administrative arrangement of Taiwan, with the Chinese unaware that the uninhabited “Senkaku Islands” were in fact the former Diaoyu Islands. This explains the belated protest from Taipei and Beijing over U.S. administration of the islands after the war.
Report dated August 12, 1892 from navy commander affirming the islands were not fully investigated. Source:  Library of The National Institute for Defense Studies.
Report dated August 12, 1892 from navy commander affirming the islands were not fully investigated. Source:  Library of The National Institute for Defense Studies.
The Japanese government frequently cites two documents as evidence that China did not consider the islands to be Chinese. The first is an official letter from a Chinese consul in Nagasaki dated May 20, 1920 that listed the islands as Japanese territory.

Neither Beijing nor Taipei dispute that the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands — along with the entire island of Taiwan — were formally under Japanese occupation at the time. However, per post-WW II arrangements, Japan was required to surrender territories obtained from aggression and revert them to their pre-1895 legal status.

The second piece evidence is a Chinese map from 1958 that excludes the Senkaku Islands from Chinese territory. But the Japanese government’s partial unveiling leaves out important information from the map’s colophon: “certain national boundaries are based on maps compiled prior to the Second Sino-Japanese War(1937-1945).”

Qing period (1644-1911) records substantiate Chinese ownership of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands prior to 1895. Envoy documents indicate that the islands reside inside the “border that separates Chinese and foreign lands.” And according to Taiwan gazetteers, “Diaoyu Island accommodates ten or more large ships” under the jurisdiction of Kavalan, Taiwan.

The right to know is the bedrock of every democracy. The Japanese public deserves to know the other side of the story. It is the politicians who flame public sentiments under the name of national interests who pose the greatest risk, not the islands themselves.

Update: The author would like to include an updated image of the Qing era documents that recorded, “Diaoyutai Island accommodates ten or more large ships”, as mentioned in his blog post.
Record of Missions to Taiwan Waters (1722), Gazetteer of Kavalan County (1852), and Pictorial Treatise of Taiwan Proper (1872).National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan.Record of Missions to Taiwan Waters (1722), Gazetteer of Kavalan County (1852), and Pictorial Treatise of Taiwan Proper (1872).
Han-Yi Shaw is a Research Fellow at the Research Center for International Legal Studies, National Chengchi University, in Taipei, Taiwan.